This perspective is based on the idea that society is a well-balanced system with all parts necessary to the whole. The functionalist perspective is a big-picture, macro-level view that looks at how different aspects of society are intertwined. We can look at the Occupy movement through the lenses of these methods to better understand the roles and challenges that groups offer. There are four primary sociological perspectives for studying groups: functionalist, critical, feminist, and symbolic interactionist. As enduring social units, they help foster shared value systems and are key to the structure of society as we know it. Groups also play an important role in society. Groups are prevalent in our social lives and provide a significant way to understand and define ourselves-both through groups we feel a connection to and those we do not.
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What unites these people? Are homeless people truly aligned with law school students? Do aboriginal people genuinely feel for the environmental protests against pipelines and fish farming? But for the groups of people protesting from New York City to Victoria, B.C., and in the hundreds of cities in between, their connection within the Occupy Wall Street movement is harder to define. Groups connect us to others through commonalities of geography, interests, race, religion, and activities.
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Most people have a sense of what it means to be part of some kind of a group, whether it is a social movement, sports team, school club, or family. What makes a group something more than just a collection of people? How are leadership functions and styles established in a group dynamic? Numerous groups make up the Occupy movement, yet there is no central movement leader. As the tent cities of the Occupy movement begin to be dismantled, forcibly in some cases, a separate movement, Idle No More, emerges to advocate for aboriginal justice. Through the “horizontal decision-making process” of daily general assemblies, the community decides to change its name from Occupy Victoria to the People’s Assembly of Victoria because of the negative colonial connotations of the word “occupy” for aboriginal members of the group. In Victoria, B.C., a tent community springs up in Centennial Square outside city hall, just like tent cities in other parts of the country. A group of women press for more inclusive language to be used in the “Declaration of the Occupation” document so that racial and women’s concerns are recognized as central to the movement. Yet another has a spreadsheet that he wants used as an evaluation tool for the facilitators. Another wants to present Native American peace principles derived from the Iroquois Confederacy. One person wants a grant for $1,500 to make herbal medications available to those staying at the park. The lyrics are not published anywhere but are available on YouTube: “We’re here to represent/The 99 percent/Occupy, occupy, occupy.” The song: “Wouldn’t It Be Nice If Every Movement Had a Theme Song” (Cabrel 2011).Īt an Occupy camp in New York, roughly three dozen members of the Facilitation Working Group, a part of the General Assembly, take a steady stream of visitors with requests at their unofficial headquarters.
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Mixed in with the punks and young rebel students are members of local unions, from well-dressed teachers to more grizzled labour leaders. But neither the lyrics nor the people in the audience are quite what you might expect. The music is loud, the crowd pumped up and excited. The punk band NOFX is playing outside in Los Angeles.
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